• “SOME WILL DIE, SOME MAY SURVIVE, I INTEND TO BE AMONG THE LATTER.”

    HOW COLLAPSE PREPAREDNESS ON THE LEFT IS A MORAL AND STRUCTURAL FAILURE

    I sit in this small communal café. I am here for the first and probably last time. The topic to be discussed is the anxiety produced by the ever more obvious disfunctional reality of our systems steering us towards a societal cliff and what to do with that. As I look around the gathered people I feel no pity for them, I do not condemn them (neither individually nor collectively), I even understand where they are coming from; but I see is no future in this room. What I see is the next logical and evolutionary step for a global left that has failed to capture spiritual and worldly power and put it to use for the betterment of all. We have failed to envision and capture the future; so it seems the only option left was to prepare for no future at all. As our belief in systemic transformation weakens, collapse becomes a substitute horizon: change without the politics, disruption without the responsibility, meaning without victory.

    All I see here in this room is the diffuse body language of the timid and all I hear are the long pauses of the perplexed. A random assortment of those averse to hierarchy, power and violence, hoping to somehow survive the most violent possible event in human history by organizing locally and without too strong a structure; as to not scare away the already anxious and emotionally scarred.

    Let’s then state the most obvious thing first: a societal collapse is not a local or survivable event. 1 A societal collapse is a cascading failure of interdependent global systems that form the very basis of our survival; at least for those of us in the western world. You cannot be meaningfully prepared for this through small-scale interventions, basic hard skills or local autonomy projects without ignoring its truly global and historic scale. Preparing for societal collapse as if it were a survivable transitional event already implies a fantasy of collapse that is not a sophisticated representation of its reality with all its brutal implications and imperatives. It implies blindness – either deliberately or by lack of knowledge – to the nature of the event.

    Real societal collapse is the simultaneous failure of virtually all societal systems: energy, food, logistics, medicine, sanitation, governance, trust. Once these cascade out of control, you do not end up with locally organized pockets of functional autonomy and flat hierarchy; you get the remnant core of society stripped of all of its regulating and mediating instances – and all methodologies of known survival learned through modernity – dominated by unfiltered violence and power.     

    What would those fearful to speak too loudly or too forcefully as to not startle those gathered around them – those too timid to assert the smallest sliver of authority – know about such violence and such application of power; how could they possibly hope to be prepared for it?

    Let us then state another painfully obvious truth we find here among the gathered: collapse preparedness discourse is a uniquely westernized phenomenon. The imagined end of the world is decidedly that of the western world and its modernity. 2 We sit in our communally organized space musing about the dreaded absence of our habitual creature comforts while ignoring that large parts of the world already live with systemic instability and deprivation without framing it as a civilizational event. For large parts of the global south the insecurities we project onto collapse scenarios are not a hypothetical event but a lived reality that has to be managed now. Their realities are those of a living yet brutal world, not the fantasies of its end.

    Its decidedly a discourse made possible by experiencing historical safety, insulation, and privilege and fearing their dissapearance. You can only muse about, rehearse, or prepare for immediate collapse if collapse is not already your lived condition. 3 Modern western leftist traditions (the traditions now kept alive through and represented by a younger generation) developed largely under conditions where the state worked just well enough to absorb personal failure costs. We could reject hierarchy, power and authority because our hospitals still functioned, food still arrived, utilities were delivered to you at a financial cost and violence was externalized. Collapse now becomes a mirror in which the west finally sees itself as vulnerable, and instead of responding with responsibility, at the local level it fractures and retreats into survival fantasies that preserve its moral self-image in pockets of tribalism. The impending collapse now threatens to strip away these filters that allowed our ethical purity, horizontalism, and anti-authoritarian aesthetics to function without being tested by material scarcity and unfiltered power.

    For the western left the collapse preparedness discourse has become a surrogate for applied agency. When confronted with systemic failures too large to meaningfully influence – be it climate change, capitalism that wormed its way into every facet of daily and personal life, geopolitical inertia in the face of poverty, war, hunger and existential threats – people began to retreat into simulacra of control. Learning basic skills keeps them occupied, imagining small resilient communities and rehearsing post-collapse scenarios feels intellectually and emotionally stabilizing. They allow one to feel active and in control of what small things one can exert control over without confronting the horrifying truth that collapse, if it happens, is not something most people live through or that has a functioning “after” that one can organize towards.     

    They also act as a symbolic reconstitution. Personal education becoming irrelevant, symbolic capital evaporating, cosmopolitan identities losing their value, language skills and cultural fluency no longer expressing social power. For the western intellectual left, this is a terrifying existential threat. A fantasy of applying oneself with a new skillset after the collapse is a way to launder that fear into a functional and reaffirming narrative of a new equality in ruins – as if collapse would level the field rather than brutally re-stratify it. For collapse never equalizes. It concentrates power among those willing and able to wield force, seize and apply resources, and make brutal decisions.

    Many preparedness practices function to manage anxiety and restore a sense of agency, not however to realistically address what collapse would entail. They prepare for an idea of collapse, not its material reality. Collapse would abolish neither power nor hierarchy; it would strip away the norms and the institutions that constrain them and make them manageable. Rejecting structure and authority in advance or in principle guarantees their reemergence in informal, violent, and unaccountable forms. A lot of contemporary left spaces conflate all hierarchy with oppression, as if all structured authority were congenial. That works rhetorically under stable conditions. In a collapse scenario however this aversion might quite well become lethal. Scarcity forces prioritization, prioritization forces decision-making, decision-making forces authority. If this isn’t formalized, it reappears as informal power, as coercion, as charismatic manipulation, and as strategic violence applied onto us not as an ethically grounded application of an ordering principle by us.

    Within this movement towards a post-collapse agency we find the seeds of acceptance and desire. While individually tempting and dangerous they are particularly devastating for the collective left and its moral framework. Where there is no future to project identity onto – no shared undertaking that demands skills, resilience and the trust towards its realization – Identity shifts towards its unmaking and its absence. There then collapse and preparedness become a source of identity, community, and meaning and its nonappearance begins to threaten intellectual and material investments. This is doubly true in a present that seems to be devoid of reason and purpose for many in the western world; so organizing efforts towards collapse preparedness easily developed an irresistible allure. Here then collapse starts to subtly shift from feared outcome to awaited event. With time any investment in the absence of future will result in purpose and determination. Collapse then is not to be avoided but a functionally stabilizing inventory of one’s sense of self. This then shift the discourse from avoidance towards acceptance and even subtle realization. What good is it to prepare for the end of the world if it never comes? It’s the outsourcing of their agency and self to an apocalypse they increasingly need to happen.

    In its most extreme and most advanced stages this can result in almost fundamental beliefs – as the far right prepper scene (that is a few decades ahead of the left) has demonstrated 4 – and even have almost evangelical undertones; where the collapse then becomes a purifying event that separates the worthy from the unworthy and celebrates the collapse of society as a return to some form of divine nativeness; devoid of the illusions and artificiality of modern life. 5 Once we have reached this stage preventing collapse begins to look like the prolonging of a civilizational and social lie and its intrinsic suffering. Those opposed to it are labeled naive, complict or even cowardly and can become enemies of supposed or implied truth. And we all know what historically happens to those labeled enemies of truth.

    It is here where we as the global left have to confront this fatalistic, defeatist and nihilistic death cult that is coming to terms with end times scenarios. Both as an acknowledgement of our own failure to present viable alternatives, as well as a moral impossibility. Any politics that treats it as a plausible planning scenario rather than an absolute failure condition has already conceded its essential moral core. One cannot ethically adapt to the deaths of billions. There is no post-collapse utopia waiting on the other side; only a radically diminished, traumatized humanity governed by brutal constraints.

    We cannot allow for our brothers and sisters to fall prey to this ruining desperation. We cannot allow them to lose hope in better outcomes and a radically changed and living world that can produce a future. This particular discourse attracts those that can no longer imagine victories only endurance. While not inherently malicious it makes their politics conservative in the most fundamental sense: it’s their personal project of conservation of self under conditions where the world around them is allowed to decay into nothingness. A cruel and amoral bet with reality is made that states in no uncertain terms “Some will die, some may survive, I intend to be among the latter.” Explicitly this wager is one that accepts that many millions or even billions will die and so it wraps itself in talk of resilience, adaptability and realism. Collapse preparedness is the consent to mass death while preserving a self-image of care. It lays bare the fundamental difference between preparedness in a world that needs a project that is concerned with its future and rehearsing survival beyond its death. One is a reaffirmation of shared obligation towards life and society; the other is a selfish withdrawal that looks for accomplices.

    Lastly, collapse preparedness is also selective. Skills, ressources, social and material capital, physical abilities and psychological resilience are unevenly distributed among the world and within even local communities. The core tenent of preparedness is to deepen and reinforce those inequalities ahead of time as to increase one’s own chances of survival. Those without access, health, time, education, or capital are silently written out of the post collapse future. No applied forms of violence are needed, it can even be wrapped in the politics and language of care which makes this final injustice very easy to life with.

    Modern emancipatory politics (whatever its failures) however is grounded in the idea that lives are not expendable, that suffering is not acceptable simply because it is widespread, common or to “be expected” and that a shared future needs shared hope and investment. Collapse preparedness suspends this principle and in its stead practices abandonment. Here death on a global scale becomes an externality to realism rather than a moral failure to be prevented. Preparedness normalizes loss instead of resisting it.

    1. At least not for most. Many simply lack the grit, determination and unscrupulousness to survive the downfall of western society as we know it. They will starve, be predated on and murdered by those more amoral than them. ↩︎
    2. With many a religious and spiritual undertone of the rapture ↩︎
    3. I do not fail to see the irony in my own musings ↩︎
    4. Right wing preppers made this move earlier and more explicitly. For them, collapse promises vindication: proof that they were ultimately right about human nature, weakness, outsiders and the state. Their eagerness is overt. What’s different on the left is not the incentive structure but the justification. The left wraps the same anticipatory desire in ethics: mutual aid, horizontality, healing and rebirth instead of unfiltered domination. ↩︎
    5. Which is particularly enticing for parts of the anarchist left ↩︎
  • IT IS A GENOCIDE

    “Antisemitism!” – it rings through the room, a moment of stunned silence and the smug expression of unmerited righteousness on the accusers face (a smirk even), that always follows the magic spell. “Antisemitism!” a second chanting of the spell, as to make sure the dissenter is cast out. Sometimes I wonder if they expect the accused to vanish in billowing smoke; struck down by the powerful incantation.

    But no such occurence today, in this small community hall in eastern Germany. The accused is still there, bravely continuing their factual recital of what is and isn’t considered a genocide by legal definitions and how it applies here. Shaking, a little tremble in their voice maybe, but this is what bravery looks like these days. Even amongst the left we now have to justify what can be clearly seen, measured, quantified and of which thousands of first hand accounts exist: a livestreamed genocide and the starving of children by a people who should have known better but maybe have been fundamentally broken by the horror they had to endure at our hands.

    Even amongst us we now bend and stretch definitions as to find reasons why we do not have to move on, do not have to evolve and remain a living political organization and movement; but why instead it would be best to calcify around a select few core convictions not matter if they still hold true. Truth would be constructed after the fact if we would just agree to the project of self-petrification.

    I look around the room. A weird assemblage of furniture and decor, walls drenched in an orangy beige, two indoor Gazebos at one end of the room framing a low to the ground podium. Its the exact kind of communal space we find all over the eastern part of Germany, where people with little to no possession and wealth wanted and needed to create something they could call their own with what they had and could afford at the time. Renovations like this usually took place in the late 90s or early 2000s and since then this room has been unchanged. This room is a testament to the people that build it, people who under radically altered material conditions and societal rules never adapted or actualized a new inner life. This room is one of the past, but not just its own past, much more so the past of the people that built it. This room was already old the day it was freshly renovated for it contained nothing new.

    “That is because it’s antisemitism!” another person has come forth, a round of applause from the group of young and oddly self-assured accusers. 1 Now, an older woman – clearly encouraged by their full-throated attacks – speaks up as well about how the jewish diaspora has always been persecuted, how 2000 years ago they have been slaughtered by this or that group of people of muslim faith (ignoring of course the fact that there were no people of muslim faith 2000 years ago) and palestinian or arabic descent. 2 As if the murder and injustice from 2000 years ago would somehow justify the bombing and starvation of 2.2 million people, the carving apart of the West Bank and their continued displacement. As if her words would somehow move an entire room of people, thunderstruck by the sudden realization that we have been inhumane to each other for the better part of our history and that is why genocide is now acceptable, nay just even.

    It is here where I first realize that this isn’t a debate about the situation in Israel, Gaza, the West Bank or the wider region at all; not even a discussion about genocide, displacement or their personal justification to stand for or against the state of Israel in its current authoritarian, settler colonial form or its ultranationalist, far-right government. What I am witnessing is the tokeniziation of an entire conflict and all the people involved in it for purposes of debate. What I am witnessing is a debate amongst people who are almost exclusively white East Germans of the political left talking amongst themselves and specifically to themselves. They are expressly adressing each other and that is the debate they are having.

    In this room full of accusers there are no judges and no witnesses and the question of 80 years of conflict on Palestinian land is inanimate. It becomes painfully clear that this whole debate in itself has been colonized over the years and is now reduced to a mimicry. The sorrow of millions has become a strategic token to be used in conversation to demarcate the righteous from the wicked. The left squabbling amongst themselves, has made the correct application of language a tool to define its own inner hierarchies of virtousness. For the German leftist (and the entire West for that matter) the idea of an Israel has become much more important and interesting than its reality. For us Germans (leftist or not) this idea of the Israeli state was one of national healing by proxy. The Holocaust to this date remains irreal; the sheer scope of applied inhumanity arising from our midst unthinkable for most to this day. We hear the numbers, we learn about the conferences and the practical means that made it a reality but we rarely internalize it. We have truly made the act of murdering more than 6 million people a part of history, in that we confined it entirely to the past as an object to be studied – but not too closely as to make it actually real. History has become a vault to our greatest crime and most of us hoped it could stay this way.

    Israel on the other hand became a reassurance for the darker corners of the mind that had to be sedated. Its existence was as irreal to us as the Holocaust is. It was to exist as to absolve us of our sin just in case; and that is precisely why it could not become real (or more precisely have reality). For the reality of the state and the material and moral conditions it created for the Palestinians would bring into question the reality of the Holocaust, so we decided against dealing with both.

    For most of our lives the conflict on Palestinian land has been a clear cut affair for the left 3 and more broadly most people in the west. Allegiance to Israel and its goals was the default position that was never to be questioned and the only people who did were actual anitsemites, at times the far right 4 and the scholars that have been rightfully sounding the alarm against the established narratives for decades.

    It was this unquestionable allegiance that in itself already pointed at the underlying problems within the debate and its paradoxical nature. It pointed at the whole debate being insincere and a moral shortcut to righteousness. An intellectual complacency had taken hold of the entire western world and the left in particular. Within it the uttering of magical sentences and words conjured up the ghosts of past transgressions and horrors employed to make contemporary debate impossible and contemporary horror invisible. The atrocities of today had entered into a hierarchy in which they had to give way to one of the most brutal episodes in human history. The industrialized eradication of more than 6 million people of jewish descent reverberates through the psychological Gestalt subconscious of an entire species.

    It is a genocide however. By broad agreement amongst almost all relevant human rights bodies and scholars of genocide in particular, there is no open question here anymore. 5 The more important question now is: How come then that debate is still undesirable or contested; especially amongst the German populace and more importantly amongst the German left?

    “Never again!” was meant to shield us against humanities darkest impulses, no matter from where they would arise. For the left this has become a fight not only of actual and real decolonization in Palestine but more broadly one of the decolonization of our discourses and a return to honesty and authenticity. The current way we conduct ourselves is doubly unbecoming of parts of the global left by first not aknowledging the moral obligation to stand with the victims of ethnical cleansing and genocide and even more importantly by reducing their plight and suffering into a transactional conversational token and shortcut we throw around for clout in internal debates and fights of position.

    The mirage of an infallible, moral Israeli state – a state that never truly existed in its more than 80 years of occupation and ethnic cleansing (other than as an imagined expression of our own selfishness and comforts in the West) – is long dead. If the global left wants to survive it and its inevitable downfall, and be an actual force for good in this world this is a watershed moment for our movement to finally move on from institutionalized and weaponized righteousness and to return to an authentic empathy that is felt and shared and not just found in the abstractions of declarations and political necessities.

    Our fight now is to see that a people uniquely brutalized by history and us Germans (victims of one of the most barbaric episodes in history and of genocide and ethnic cleansing) themselves are capable of ethnic cleansing and genocide. For many decades “Never again!” was not so much a rallying cry but an implied certainty projected onto an idea – the Israeli state. The certainty that if we had learned at least one thing from the brutal 20th century it was that we as a species had evolved past genocide and the targeted eradication of cultures and peoples. We have been confronted with the realization, that even those most prominently and most directly affected by it did not learn that lesson at all and we are of course now confronted with the tragic irony (and reality) of the settler colonial nature of the state of Israel.

    For longer than most of us would want to admit Israel has been much more of an idea and projection surface than an actualized state with its own reality. More than a land inhabitat by people it was a strict necessity for the westen consciousness. Thousands of kilometers away from its historical oppressors and butchers an enclave was envisioned 6 to be a post World War II project of the entire human conscience. Israel was a cleansing of collective sin and apathy in that it should – by its mere existence – acquit those that have been perpetrating their industrialized murder, or did not intervene in time to save them. All of it would only cost us one last people that would need to perish for our salvation to become a reality; and if we wouldn’t look too closely maybe it would be over before we knew it and the people would remain abstractions, statistics and numbers. A very comfortable outlook of moral inaction by people who have for centuries colonized and murdered most of the world.

    The delusions and the self-deceit have become intolerable but they teach us one last lesson: the empathetic love for live must be real and internalized, it will not survive tokenization and wishful shortcuts to personal and collective deliverance. A people of the 21st century cannot look at the mounting evidence of the genocide and side with the perpetrators or sink into stupor; and the left will be a husk if it abides or even stands in support of it.

    It is a genocide and we have to deal with its implications and the fact that we have not learned the truly important lessons from the most brutal century in human history. We did not adapt a new way of thinking and acting towards a livable civilizational outlook and we cannot will it into being by remaining blind to the suffering of the Palestinians. We will have to stand in solidarity and learn in this 21st century what the last one apparently couldn’t teach us.

    Before we can move towards resolutions and the practical actions of decolonization and reparation it has now become imperative to decolonize our discussions and to be able to name that which couldn’t be named for decades. No viable solutions and no justice can be found without the possibility of truthful analysis and debate about the spiritual and material conditions in Palestine. Reality must be named without immediate social or institutional punishment. Before any actionable solutions can be formulated people must be able to describe what is.

    We must refuse to let the oppressors, the settlers and the colonizers set the epistemic rules for their own crimes. If a solution cannot be found in honest debate that leads to a broad consensus and collective action (for it is not allowed to take place), in its stead armed resistance will rise and the outcome will be more dead innocents. An outcome only favoured by the colonizer to justify more violence against the colonized.

    1. well organized too, as one person minutes every last word said here on their laptop ↩︎
    2. to no ones suprise she cannot name the specific group ↩︎
    3. who (after the actual antisemitism in its ranks in the 60s and 70s) had a vested interest in a normalization of the state of Israel and their relation to it ↩︎
    4. Who nowadays pivots between support and hatred of Israel depending on the issue at hand, their specific flavour of far right lunacy, their christian doomsday cults and their greater hatred for everything Muslim. Also many of them being in favour of white ethno-states in their own right are impressed by the ruthlessness and the agenda of the Israeli state. for many of them Israel’s efficient brutality has become a model to emulate. ↩︎
    5. Amnesty International, B’tselem, United Nations, International Organization of Genocide Scholars ↩︎
    6. allthough we know that the project of a state is much older ↩︎